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Jefferson County Green Party
PO Box 1547 Port Townsend, WA 98368 Steve Hamm, Secretary E-mail: steveh@olympus.net |
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Election ReformCLEAN MONEY CAMPAIGN REFORM - THE TIME IS NOW! The 2000 presidential election exposed our Electoral System as one of the greatest impediments to functional democracy in America. The dysfunctions are so widespread and so complicated that most people turn away from the issue, feeling overwhelmed. Yet, without substantial electoral reform, we will never have a system that reflects the will of the people. Some of the issues that we face:
In 2001, a National Commission on Election Reform was established to address some of the irregularities of the election. Chaired by ex-presidents Ford and Carter, the commission made the following recommendations:
These may solve some of the problems, but no legislation can begin to address every issue. In general, legislators are not interested in changing the system because it worked for them. It will require massive citizen action on every front to make substantial changes to the system. Four U.S. States have passed Clean Money Campaign Reform laws that have begun to transform their elections: Arizona, Vermont, Maine & Massachusetts Compiled & distributed by the Jefferson County Green Party in the interest of creating a Washington State Clean Money Campaign Reform Movement. * * * * * * * * * * VOTERS MAKE CLEAN MONEY THE LAW IN MASSACHUSETTS AND ARIZONA
WASHINGTON, DC -- Resounding victories for comprehensive campaign finance reform initiatives in Arizona and Massachusetts have left voters reclaiming their democracy, and wealthy special interests scrambling. With all the votes counted, voters in Massachusetts approved Question 2 -- "The Clean Elections Law" -- by a 2-1 margin with 66 percent of the vote in favor, while Proposition 200 -- "The Citizens Clean Elections Act" passed with 51 percent approval in Arizona. Arizona and Massachusetts are now poised to join Maine and Vermont in offering candidates for state-level office a chance to break the hold special interests have on public officials through their campaign contributions. Both referenda provide an alternative system of campaign financing that gives all qualifying candidates who agree to take little or no private money and who agree to limit their campaign spending, a fixed amount of money from a publicly-financed pool. The impressive victories in Arizona and Massachusetts are consistent with a national trend in this year's elections; when offered the opportunity to vote for sweeping change in the way we finance campaigns, voters are not afraid to act. "The victories in Arizona and Massachusetts for Clean Money Campaign Reform prove that voters have the political will to enact far-reaching campaign finance reform, whether they are liberal or conservative, Democrat or Republican, business or labor," said Ellen Miller, executive director of Public Campaign. The victories also provide strong momentum to local, grassroots efforts in other states working to bring Clean Money reforms to their own electoral systems, as popular support for comprehensive reform is as robust in other states across the country as it is in Arizona and Massachusetts. Missouri is slated to put Clean Money to the ballot test in 2000, while New Mexico will introduce Clean Money Campaign Reform legislation in January. In addition, at least 40 other states are working toward Clean Money reform, including Washington, Oregon and Wisconsin, as they continue to build and broaden their state coalitions and educate voters about the problems of money in politics. Public Campaign is a non-profit, non-partisan organization working on behalf of comprehensive campaign finance reform. CLEAN MONEY-CLEAN ELECTIONS CAMPAIGN - ALLIANCE FOR DEMOCRACY * * * * * * * * * * Background - Clean Money Campaign Reform The trajectory of campaign-finance developments in the late 1990s should make the most cynical lawmaker blush and the average citizen furious. Special interest money smothered Washington in the 1996 elections, shattering all the records for fundraising in the contest for the presidency. Since that election, the public has been bombarded with revelations about the flagrant abuse of loopholes, systematic influence peddling, and political favors granted to special interests in Washington and state capitals across the country. Nevertheless, even as voters clambered for change (and won some victories at the state level), the U.S. Congress failed repeatedly to act on even modest reform proposals. Then came the 1998 elections, which broke the billion-dollar mark even as fewer candidates ventured forth to run for office. The political parties championed more millionaire candidates who could finance their own campaigns. More new tactics emerged for getting around campaign finance laws, such as issue advertising, on which an estimated $275 million was spent during the 1998 cycle. By mid-1999, it was clear that fundraising for the 2000 races was over the top. One presidential frontrunner had already amassed so much private cash that he decided to ignore the partial public funding system so that he wouldn't have to bother with spending limits. House incumbents took in 47 percent more than had in a comparable period before the 1998 elections; even Senators who weren't up for re-election were fundraising heavily. Huge, unregulated soft money contributions from corporations, unions and individuals continued on, unfettered. Analysts projected that by November 2000 soft money totals would top $500 million. Overall campaign spending could hit $3 billion. Media coverage of individual scandals focuses public attention on possible illegalities, but the bigger scandal is that so much of the money changing hands is completely legal. What President Lyndon Johnson observed some 30 years ago is still true today: the system is more loophole than law. It is clear that the system of laws governing campaign financing has been rendered meaningless and requires fundamental changes that will provide new options for candidates. While Congress and most state legislatures appear far from any consensus on the problem, much less a solution, the voters are far ahead of the politicians. In November 1996, in Maine, they approved a Clean Money Campaign Reform initiative, by a 56 to 44 percent margin, that does something that no state or federal legislation had ever done. It offers full public financing to candidates for state office who reject special-interest contributions and agree to campaign spending limits. Those who discounted the Maine law as a one-state wonder were proved dramatically wrong in the next two years. In June 1997, the Vermont legislature voted overwhelmingly to create such a system for their state. In November 1998, voters in both Arizona and Massachusetts adopted new Clean Money systems via ballot initiatives. The Problem Voters say:
But voters aren't the only ones who are disgusted with the current system -- even lawmakers are getting fed up with it. In fact, some elected officials are so tired of the money chase that they are leaving politics. When Senator Frank Lautenberg (D-N.J.) announced he would not run again in 2000 he said, "I do not want to sit there all these hours of each day asking for money when in fact there is good solid work to be done. It would distract me from the job I was sent to Washington to do." As experienced politicians and gifted potential candidates chose not to run rather than face the arduous task of raising this much money, we will experience a loss of the best leadership. That is, unless we can muster the national will to pass Clean Money reforms. Clean Money Campaign Reform addresses the most serious problems that concern voters and lawmakers:
Clean Money Campaign Reform: The Most Comprehensive Solution
The success of the Maine, Massachusetts, and Arizona ballot initiatives has given greater energy and focus to campaign finance reform efforts in more than a dozen states, including Missouri, Oregon, Michigan, and Idaho. In much the same way, the passage of the "Vermont Campaign Option" by the Vermont legislature in June 1997 has since inspired state legislators around the country to come out in support for such reforms in such places as Connecticut, New Mexico, North Carolina, and Wisconsin. It has also galvanized federal lawmakers to introduce CMCR bills in the U.S. Senate and House of Representatives.
CMCR is strictly voluntary, in keeping with Supreme Court rulings. While no two CMCR bills are exactly the same, this approach sets up an alternate system that provides strong incentives for candidates to participate – they receive a set amount of Clean Money from a publicly financed fund if they agree to reject private money and limit their spending. Clean Money Campaign Reform represents the most comprehensive and far-reaching approach to election finance.
Clean Money Campaign Reform is a package of measures that:
Clean Money Campaign Reform has the greatest potential to bring about change because it:
The CMCR approach is designed to provide a clear alternative to the current system of raising and spending largely special-interest money to finance election campaigns. It allows qualified candidates to run for public office without compromising their independence, since they won't have to ask for money from those with a vested interest in public policy. The system is completely voluntary and candidates who do not wish to participate are able to raise and spend private money for their campaigns, as they do today.
Qualification - Candidates first must meet ballot access requirements, and then must meet the eligibility threshold for Clean Money funding. Most CMCR proposals require candidates to collect, during a pre-defined qualifying period, a prescribed number of signatures and $5 qualifying contributions from registered voters in their state or district. To cover minor costs during the qualifying period, candidates are permitted to raise a limited amount of seed money from private sources in amounts not exceeding $100 per contributor.
Primary funding - Candidates who meet CMCR requirements and agree not to raise or spend private money during the primary and general election campaign periods receive a set amount of money from the Clean Money fund. Federal candidates also receive a prescribed amount of free and discounted TV and/or radio time.
General election funding - Candidates who win their party primaries and qualifying independent candidates who agree to the voluntary restrictions receive a set amount of general election funding from the Clean Money fund, as well as additional free and discounted TV and/or radio time.
Non-participating candidates and independent expenditures - In order to maintain a financially level playing field, Clean Money candidates who are outspent by privately financed opponents, or targeted by independent expenditures, are entitled to a limited amount of matching funds.
Who Supports Clean Money Campaign Reform?
The answer, in brief, is: a range of people cutting across political, social, ethnic, and economic lines. Conservative political analyst Arianna Huffington calls Clean Money Campaign Reform "a much-needed response to the takeover of our political system by special interests that are not only driving Mack trucks through the loopholes in the existing laws, but also determining much of our national agenda." Antonia Hernandez, executive director of the Mexican American Legal Defense and Education Fund, notes the potential for bringing more people back into the system. "Our current system of financing political campaigns excludes many people, including Latinos, from fully participating in the political process because they do not have vast financial resources," says Hernandez. "Clean Money Campaign Reform will help to change this, and enhance democracy for all of us."
Dr. Gwen Patton, an African-American scholar and voting rights advocate, also sees reform as essential in giving people a real choice at the voting booth. "What's the use of voting if there's no one to vote for? Getting private money out of politics is the unfinished business of the voting rights movement."
One reflection of the breadth of support for the Clean Money approach is found in Public Campaign's National Advisory Board. More than 100 individuals have signed on to the board as a show of their support for this far-reaching reform. They include 27 former members of Congress (12 Republicans and 15 Democrats), six former presidential candidates, six former lieutenant governors, and a long list of high-profiles academics, clergy, businesspeople, legal scholars, political activists, and civil rights leaders.
The most important show of support, however, is from the public. Clean Money Campaign Reform has never been voted down in a ballot initiative. In fact, voters have always given their resounding approval, with three wins in as many years in state ballot initiatives. Evidence of widespread public support also comes from a number of opinion polls. A Mellman Group survey, carried out in August 1996 for the Center for Responsive Politics, found that 68 percent of Americans support a system modeled after the Maine proposal. Gallup's October 1996 poll reported that 64 percent of voters nationwide support a system in which the "federal government provides a fixed amount of money for the election campaigns of candidates for Congress and all private contributions [are] prohibited."
The kind of sentiment is equally apparent in the states. August 1999 polling of likely caucus participants in Iowa showed that clear majorities from both parties would support campaign finance reform as extensive as Clean Money Campaign Reform (72 percent of Democrats, 63 percent of Republicans). A September 1998 poll in eight states found similarly stunning voter support for Clean Money. At least 60 percent of voters and as many as 74 percent supported a Clean Money system (74 percent in New Hampshire, 70 percent in Missouri, 66 percent in North Carolina, 66 percent in Ohio, 65 percent in New York, 64 percent in Mississippi, 63 percent in Colorado and 60 percent in Indiana). Support was equally strong among Democrats, Republicans, and Independents.
Clean Money Campaign Reform appeals to so many people because they know they are the losers under the current system. "The American people instinctively know that when big money rules, ordinary voters are left out in the cold," says John Anderson, former congressman and presidential candidate, and a founding co-chair of Public Campaign's National Advisory Board. "Our mission is nothing less than to restore our faith in government and to strengthen our national institutions so that they may endure and be passed on in good health to our children."
Compiled & distributed by the Jefferson County Green Party in the interest of creating a Washington State Clean Money Campaign Reform Movement
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